"Rose Covered Glasses" is a serious essay, satire and photo-poetry commentary from a group of US Military Veterans in Minnesota.
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If one aspires to simply maintain one’s material life style, retain responsibility for those close to us and relax as objectives, that is one form of retirement – call it maintenance.
Many cannot undertake a maintenance retirement due to challenges such as the economic events of recent years, family responsibilities involving their children, or aging parents. They must continue to generate an income but must adjust to advancing age and find new ways to generate revenue.
I hear from many individuals who seek to go into business for themselves on-line or in the home as a way to supplement their retirement.
Given reasonably good health and a responsibility-free environment, most find retirement rather boring after a time and seek continued professional growth. In fact it has been espoused that such a lethargic existence can be hazardous to our health.
Balance is the key – Balancing age with wisdom, lifestyle with responsibility and available means; a new professional endeavor, volunteer work, recreation, the arts, – that which gives meaning to continued existence.
If the need to generate revenue is a prominent factor, care must be taken in assessing risk to health and fortune by investing too much in effort or treasure. That is where the balance comes in.
We have heard 40 is the new 30, but yet I think “old” seems to always stay the same distance for me. At 25 I thought 50 was old, at 35 I thought 60 was old, now that I am approaching 80 years of age, 95 is old.
I know true age is more a matter of mind. I took a fall on the ice in front of the Middle School and 2 dozen 5th graders. The fall didn’t hurt nearly as much as the laughter and the subsequent whispers this year, “There goes that old guy again, do you think he might fall?”
I took a nap out in the wildlife refuge in a beautiful stand of aromatic pines. When I awoke I found two huge turkey buzzards staring at me intently from their perch nearby. I had known I was getting older but had not realized I had reached the carrion stage.
I reported a pollution spill in the Vermilion River and the Minneapolis paper picked up the story. A reader commented on the web site that the Minnesota pollution control program had now been relegated to an “Old Guy” in the vets home.
I feel fine about getting old. It’s how I am perceived by others that bothers me.
We will all retire in some form. We have no choice. What we invent or re-invent along the way to make the most of it is our personal challenge.
"Anne, ["SPARKLE"] an Air Force staff sergeant, a remotely piloted aircraft (RPA) sensor operator or “sensor.”
“When you hit a truck full of people, there are limbs and legs everywhere,” Sparkle said. “I watched a guy crawl away from the wreckage after one shot with no lower body. He slowly died. You have to watch that. You don’t get to turn away."
"Anne crawled out of bed in her North Las Vegas house around 10 p.m. and started to get ready for her shift.
She pulled her chestnut hair into a bun and slipped on her olive green flight suit. In the kitchen, she packed fruit to snack on during her shift and stuffed her schoolwork into her backpack-sized lunchbox just in case it’s a boring night. Most nights she doesn’t have a chance to open a book.
Giving her dog, a tan Sher-Pei/pit bull mix, one last pat, she left her house and joined thousands of other workers leaving for the midnight shift. While most people were heading to hotels and casinos in town, Hubbard was on her way to Creech Air Force Base and a war.
At Creech, she is assigned to a reconnaissance squadron flying missions over Iraq and Afghanistan. Few weapons in the American arsenal are more relentless than the RPA fleet, often called drones. For more than a decade, the United States has flown RPAs over Afghanistan and Iraq, providing forces on the ground with an eye in the sky to spot terrorists and insurgents, and in most cases the firepower to destroy them.
As she rode to work, Anne—or “Sparkle” as she’s known to her fellow drone operators—wasn’t focused on the desert outside her window. It was 2009 and President Obama was sending troops in a surge to Afghanistan. Sparkle’s mind was on a desert 7,000 miles away. Over the next 24 hours she would track an insurgent, watch as he was killed by a Hellfire missile, and spy on his funeral before ending her night with a breakfast beer and a trip to the dog park.
The RPA has become the symbol of America’s ongoing wars, from Afghanistan to Somalia to Syria. And, 14 years after a U.S. “drone” first fired a missile at an al Qaeda operative, the morality and legality of remote strikes remains a matter of intense controversy. Earlier this year, the U.S. government revealed it accidentallykilled one of its own citizens with a drone—a hostage held by al Qaeda—triggering another round of debate about when the U.S. is justified in using the remotely piloted planes to attack.
The Interceptpublished a cache of new documents about RPA missions in Afghanistan, Somalia and Yemen. The documents paint a damning picture of the RPA, including an internal U.S. military study that found a “critical shortfall” in how targets are identified. The government's reliance on cellphones has led to the wrong target being killed. The new documents also call into question the accuracy of the RPA. The Intercept reports more than 200 people were killed – only 35 were actual targets - in Afghanistan between January 2012 and February 2013.
This outrageous explosion of watchlisting—of monitoring people and racking and stacking them on lists, assigning them numbers… assigning them death sentences without notice, on a worldwide battlefield—it was, from the very first instance, wrong,” the source of the documents told the Intercept. “We’re allowing this to happen. And by ‘we,’ I mean every American citizen who has access to this information now, but continues to do nothing about it.
But for all the attention paid to RPAs, the men and women who operate the 21st century’s most divisive weapons system remain largely hidden from public view—except for reports about strikes, especially when a missile kills civilians."
We
remember clearly the friends, innocence, physical and mental health
lost in battle. We see the continuing implications of similar
conflicts in which our country has since been involved.
Our
conclusion is that war has become a racket and the capitalistic gains
motive within the massive Military Industrial Complex (MIC) that
Eisenhower warned us about as he left office has materialized.
As
the STRAFOR article below conveys, similar geopolitical conditions to
today existed 50 years ago.
Yet
we have continued to approve this catastrophic money burner and debt
creator https://www.usdebtclock.org/in
the interest of National Security making defense companies rich. It
cannot continue.
“STRATFOR
WORLDVIEW – Weighing
the
Geopolitics of the Vietnam” War
SUMMARY
“South
Vietnam’s capital city, Saigon, fell to invading North Vietnamese
troops on April 30, 1975. The image of an overloaded Huey
helicopter on top of the U.S. Embassy in Saigon, frantically loading
refugees, was forever seared into the American mind. It was the
ignominious end of more than a decade of involvement by the United
States in Vietnam.
Ultimately,
Washington’s failure to win the war in Vietnam resulted from
factors beyond the conflict zone. The United States was heavily
constrained by its global commitments — principally its need to
secure Western Europe against Warsaw Pact invasion. Washington could
not align military capabilities with realistic political goals
to justify bringing the full might of U.S. armed forces to bear
to defend its peripheral interests in Vietnam. Unable to comprehend
North Vietnamese resolve and incapable of bringing about a swift
victory, the United States’ will to continue the war crumbled
as the human cost mounted. Today, the dominant narrative among
the American public is that Vietnam was a crushing American defeat.
Forty years after the fall of Saigon, however, it is apparent that
Vietnam had only a limited impact on the overall U.S. position
within the broader context of the Cold War.
The
United States’ involvement in the Vietnam War resulted from the
evolution of U.S. grand strategy in the wake of World War II. As part
of the overall containment structure that Washington hoped to set in
place around the Soviet Union — and eventually China as well — a
network of allied countries became necessary to block the spread of
communism. Many allies found themselves in direct proximity to the
communist states America wanted to contain. This meant that any
future war between the West and the Soviet Bloc would not be fought
in the NATO heartland, but on the far-flung fringes of the two
camps’ spheres of influence.
At
the root of Washington’s alliance structure was the promise of
U.S. support, hardened by what was supposed to be seen as a clear
guarantee of assistance should the worst happen. In a divided Europe,
for example, an attack on West Germany would be treated as an attack
on the United States. Washington had given its word to assist, but by
doing so, it put its credibility on the line. Despite written
obligations, it was a constant struggle to fully convince the NATO
allies that the United States, an ocean away, would truly risk
nuclear war to defend West German soil in the event of a Warsaw Pact
invasio
Awave
of helicopters from the 1st Air Cavalry Division fly over an isolated
landing zone during Operation Pershing, in the region of the Bong Son
Plain and An Lao Valley of South Vietnam, Jan. 3, 1967.
This
ambiguity was not lost on Moscow, and Russia continued to probe and
pick at the perceived fault-lines in the American grand plan. By
manufacturing crises, the Soviets hoped to generate a crippling
uncertainty in America’s allies while emboldening their own
clients. The Soviet insinuation was that, at a critical moment, the
United States would not make good on its promises. So, when
the United States found itself more and more involved in
Vietnam, Washington was less interested in what Saigon was
thinking or doing, or its virtues as a government, and more concerned
with how its other allies, especially those in Europe, perceived the
seriousness of the U.S. commitment to check the spread of communism
within an allied country. When it came due for the United States to
live up to its word, it was the international community and not
Saigon that Washington looked toward.
A
Small Part of a Big Standoff
Vietnam
was one small piece of a much bigger security challenge for
Washington, with little intrinsic geopolitical value of its own. The
real battles of the period — political and otherwise — were in
Central Europe. Europe had to be prioritized, for if its resources
and industrial capacity fell to the Warsaw Pact, the United States
and its remaining allies would be unable to compete on either an
economic or a military basis. For North Vietnam, however, the
commitment to national unification was absolute. It pursued its
own fundamental geopolitical interests and would give everything to
achieve a victory — a single-minded devotion reflected in the
horrendous casualties it suffered and the decades of conflict it
endured. In the spectrum of conflict, the North Vietnamese were
willing to embrace totality. This resolve was backed up with the
support of powerful benefactors, namely the Soviets and the Chinese.
From the United States’ perspective, committing the resources of
the entire country against the North Vietnamese flew in the face
of rational wisdom. Washington just had too many other interests. The
conflict was ultimately decided by this imbalance of resolve.
U.S.
Air Force F-100 bombs a military target near Saigon on Feb. 8, 1965.
The
argument remains that the United States could have beaten North
Vietnam by committing more forces. While this may be accurate, the
United States, burdened by its greater contest with the Soviet Union,
could not afford to trade the security of its global commitments for
a localized victory in Vietnam. The fact of the matter remains that
the defense of Indochina was only worth a certain amount of blood and
treasure. The U.S. military was saddled with self-imposed constraints
and only allocated limited resources to the campaign that,
ultimately, proved insufficient for an extended nation-building
effort. The United States had to think about strategic balance
elsewhere and was limited in what it could realistically commit.
Securing the resources required to defeat a massive foreign-sponsored
insurgency in the dense Vietnamese jungle had little chance of
finding political backing. The fact that the American public deeply
opposed the war — a direct result of Vietnam’s murky strategic
significance — further eroded the tenuous support for U.S.
operations in Vietnam.
Provisional
Revolutionary Government fighters seize control of the presidential
palace in Saigon after the fall of the city. May 3, 1975.
Once troops were
committed, the rationale of Washington’s grand strategy maneuvered
the United States into a damning position. U.S. leaders believed that
by circumventing the conflict, and showing that the United States was
willing to welch on its promises, irreparable fissures could have
weakened the alliance structure Washington had fought so hard to
construct. Conversely, being unable and unwilling to fully commit to
a conflict over a peripheral interest, a clear victory could not
be assured, especially against a dedicated and well-supported enemy.
Limited Geopolitical Impact
The United States
did not retreat from the world in the wake of Vietnam. Still
determined to contest Soviet influence but eager to avoid
overcommitting itself again in the developing world, Washington
became more judicious in its use of military force. Instead of
relying on direct interventions, Washington shifted the burden of
fighting to its clients across the world, providing less direct
assistance when necessary. These shadowy operations were well suited
for areas of peripheral importance. When they failed, their costs
were relatively small; when they succeeded, they often had an outsize
impact. This was demonstrated during the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan, when the Soviet Union found that it was not prepared to
pay the costs of a long counterinsurgency against U.S.-backed
mujahideen.
A
line of captured South Vietnamese soldiers walk through the streets
of Saigon on April 30, 1975, escorted by communist troops.
The
Vietnam War is popularly remembered as a U.S. defeat at the hands of
an enemy a fraction of its size but, from a broader geopolitical
perspective, it is hard to say what the United States really lost.
The human cost of the war was certainly tremendous. Some 58,000 U.S.
soldiers gave their lives in the conflict, and the war exacerbated
huge social rifts in American society. Millions of Vietnamese
perished on both sides — along with hundreds of thousands of
people in Laos and Cambodia. Both victor and vanquished inherited a
country broken by decades of war.
For
the United States, the war was over in 1975. For the people of former
Indochina, war would continue until 1979, consuming untold millions
of lives. Yet, Washington’s worst fears did not
materialize with the fall of Saigon. The United States retained its
overall combat power and U.S. allies did not break from
NATO en masse. The Soviets did not cross the Fulda Gap into West
Germany, emboldened by a supposedly conspicuous collapse of U.S.
resolve. Perhaps the U.S. refusal to empty its garrisons in
Western Europe was far more meaningful a sign for America’s allies
and adversaries than an iron commitment to Vietnam. Ultimately, for
the United States, the geopolitical cost of the war was greatly
overestimated.”
There is only one way forward in developing a mutual understanding of our respective values and cultures in lieu of fighting wars. Getting on with both environment and peace objectives have a common thread – communicative, learned negotiation.
The ultimate form of planet environmental degradation is warfare. While we reduce our fossil fuel emissions, we had best negotiate our differences.
What I have learned in two combat tours and 36 years in the weapons systems business is that someone different than I may not have the same value system as I possess, but by learning from them I will be able to make distinctions between my values and theirs. It permits me to consider accepting the differences between us without prejudice, communicate with them and move forward on common objectives.
When governments and weapons makers treasure the economic windfalls in collective military industrial technology and refuse to negotiate, political and military values on both sides of a world conflict collide. Soldiers and civilians then die.
All wars eventually result in negotiated settlements. Avoiding them by learning and negotiation in the first place is the most effective war weapon and by far the least costly in materials, debt and lives.A look over our shoulders at our recent warfare is useful when viewing our future while making prudent decisions regarding our financial and defense security. Every U.S. citizen from the individual voter to the politician must consider them.
Effective negotiation must involve learning the other party’s values, not simply the perceived threat they represent to us because we do not know them.
From the neighborhood to the boardroom, from the Statehouse to the Congress and the White House, we would do well to learn more about those different from us before we fight.